(3) Although it was the avowed policy of the Chinese government after 1860 that the new treaties were to be strictly adhered to, in practice implementation depended on the wholehearted accord provincial authorities. There is abundant evidence that cooperation was dilatory. At the root of this lay the interactive nature of ruler and ruled.
(4) In a severely understaffed bureaucracy that ruled as much by suasion as by might, the official, almost always a stranger in the locality of his service, depended on the active cooperation of the local gentry class. Energetic attempts to implement treaty provisions concerning missionary activities, in direct defiance of gentry sentiment, ran the risk of alienating this class and destroying future effectiveness.
36. In a vague way, anti-Christian feeling stemmed from .
A. the mere presence of invaders B. a generalized unfocused feeling
C. the introduction to the West D. none of the above
37. The author would agree that .
A. many problems in China came from internal disorders due to Western influence.
B. many problems in China came from China itself and were unrelated to the West
C. scapegoats perform a necessary function and there should be more of them
D. all of the above are true.
38. With which of the following statements would the author agree?
A. Ethnocentricism is a manly tradition.
B. The disdain toward Christianity was prefigured by a disdain toward Buddhism.
C. Although Christianity was not well received in China, Buddhism was.
D. The author would agree with A and C.
39. Missionaries .
A. often dressed the same way as Chinese scholars did
B. were free of the legal constraints that bound the local indigenous population
C. had greater access to authority than Chinese peasants
D. may be described by all of the above
40. Provincial authorities .
A. cooperated fully with the central government’s policy
B. were alive to local feelings
C. were obliged to determine whether local sentiment tolerated implementation
D. may be described by B and C.
Passage Three
(1) The natural environment has, of course, always conditioned technology. For example, the nature of an environment (polar, desert, jungle) engenders the development of technologies appropriate to that environment to enable man to adapt successfully to it. Further, emerging scarcity of some technological resource may ignite a research for, and gradual transition to, a new technology using resources present in the environment in greater abundance, as, for example, in the case of the gradual change from wood-based to coal-based technology in England that began in Elizabeth times and stretched until the end of the eighteenth century.
(2) In modern Western society, environment has begun to condition technology in new ways, although admittedly more indirectly. The safety and quality of the environment and public perceptions of it have begun to translate into presidential politics and congressional mandates to regulatory agencies to protect or enhance environmental quality or safety, occasionally even at the cost of some perturbation of the tech-economic status-quo. In France, Italy, and recently the United States, political parties have been formed, organized around a complex of technology/ environment issues. In general, in the last fifteen years, the gradual development of broad-based environmental awareness, the lobbying and litigious activities of environmental interest groups, and guidelines issued and reinforced by the EPA (Environmental Protection Agency) in response to congressional mandates have markedly increased the heed paid to the environment by many corporations in going about their technology activities. Both research an development priorities and capital investment programs of the corporations have been affected by this.